‘Domestic wolves have shed our blood, why blame foreigners?’

Dr Kamal Mirawdeli – prominent writer, intellectual and former KRG presidential candidate – was interviewed by Harem Karem. In this final part, he speaks about border incursions, oil contracts and the pan-Kurdish cause.

HK: How important is the issue of the continued bombing of KRG territory by Iran and Turkey?

KM: The situation is very dangerous for these reasons: it has been going on without solution for years; ordinary people, civilians and villagers are continuously victimised without anyone really being concerned about their predicament; the shelling has escalated into military attacks and armed conflict threatening to destabilise border areas of the Kurdistan Region and beyond; it has been ignored by the world media and international political actors; it shows the lack of the authority of the KRG with the Kurdistan Region being treated as no-man’s land, and attacked at will by both Turkey and Iran.

If we put all this in the wider political context – with article 140 and the issue of Kirkuk and Kurdish areas outside the Kurdistan Region remaining unsolved and Kurds in some of these areas, especially in Jalawla, being driven out of their homes; American forces poised to withdraw by the end of 2011; Iran and Turkey continuing their aggressive policy of denial of political and cultural rights of Kurdish people, and maybe getting closer to each other militarily and politically – we see that the continuation and escalation of this conflict does not serve the Kurds and their long-term interests.

I don’t think either the KRG or the Iraqi government are willing or able to do anything about this. Just as the Kurdish parties failed to assert and ensure legal international protection for Kurdistan after the collapse of the Iraqi state in 2003 – striving instead to rebuild the Iraqi state, working as agents for both America and the regional powers – they are not now morally, politically and legally in a position to do anything about anything that serves wider Kurdish interests.

For this specific issue of continued bombing by Iran and Turkey they always hide behind the Iraqi authority claiming that they are responsible for keeping the security of borders! Still we cannot say that there is a functional Iraqi government: it is paralysed by both sectarian divisions and the games of external powers. After 20 years, the KRG itself is no more than two divided party administrations controlled and abused by a ruling oligarchy for the purpose of theft, illegitimate accumulation of wealth and corruption. Therefore, there is also a big gap between the KRG and the people which was reflected in the recent demonstrations. The two parties have done everything to kill Kurdish citizens’ sense of belonging and nationalism. This reality will also increase the danger of negative external factors aiming to destabilise the Kurdistan Region.

However, the Kurds in all parts of Kurdistan have chosen dialogue and peaceful democratic means to assert their citizenship and national rights in their lands. I believe both Turkey and Iran will make a deadly mistake if they in this age and time refuse to respond to the Kurdish people’s will to peace and free fraternal co-existence. I also believe it is important to continue to assert peaceful political methods of struggle, allowing the Kurdish masses to develop their national political consciousness and use political mobilisation and civil methods to assert their national rights, including eventually the right of self determination. In this age guerrilla war or armed struggle in the countryside are outdated, suicidal methods of struggle that, based on my own experience, would lead only to destruction, regression and shedding Kurdish blood for the benefit of external powers.

HK: What is the best solution to the ongoing friction between Baghdad and the KRG over oil contracts?

KM: The main thing that I am concerned about with the KRG’s oil contracts is the lack of transparency and corruption that became evident when the Oslo bourse revealed details of a murky share deal between DNO and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG).Parliament, people, no one knows how these contracts are signed, why and what is involved in the process. We know that all the oil contracts are Production Sharing Contracts (PSCs) and these have been signed with 40 companies so far. But the population in the areas of oil exploration and production have no say in a matter that would seriously affect their future, positively or negatively. Already there are serious instances of pollution of the environment and we have a lot to learn from the fate of oil-producing areas in Niger in Nigeria where many communities have got nothing apart from deadly pollution, poverty and uprooting. The other serious point is the period of contracts and the extent of ownership given to the oil companies which it seems in some case reaches 80 per cent.

For example, the ‘Scotsman’ on 21 October 2010 wrote that: “Marathon Oil has taken a stake in four exploration blocks in Kurdistan, marking the American oil company’s first entry into Iraq. The explorer signed production sharing contracts to operate and take 80 per cent ownership in two open blocks north-east of Erbil. The Kurdistan regional government will hold a 20 per cent interest.” Are such contracts the best deal for Kurdistan and who actually benefits from the 20 per cent KRG interest? It seems there are shadowy companies created by the ruling families without the knowledge, agreement and supervision of parliament that are beneficiaries of these contracts.

The problem with Iraq in technical terms is twofold: Iraq uses service contracts not PSCs and the Iraqi authorities claim that the oil contracts in all Iraq have to be signed with the federal government according to its regulations. The main problem here is that the Iraqi government has so far failed to pass a new oil and gas law which would more clearly define responsibilities of the different bodies and relations between the federal government and the regions. If such a law is passed and it will strongly ensure more transparency and guarantees of the interests of people in the oil-producing areas and the general interests of the people of Kurdistan and Iraq, then one can wait to make a better judgement as to whether the contracts proposed by the federal government or the KRG are the better deal for Kurdish people and less prone to corruption and secrecy. As long as Kurdistan is part of Iraq and as long as in the expected new law the 17 per cent of Kurdistan’s share of revenues and benefits is protected, then a bigger role for the federal government – in terms of more transparency and democratic supervision of oil contracts, greater international recognition and involvement of the world’s bigger, renowned companies in production and easier facilities of export and investment – might be in the interests of the Kurdish people and it would be possible accordingly to revise or refute the current KRG contracts if they are found to be corrupt or too generous to foreign companies. Therefore I think we have to wait until the law is passed. Who knows: maybe, after all, Hussein Shahristani would be proved more honest and pro-Kurdish interests than our Ashti Hawrami?

In an interview with ‘Rudaw’, Shahristani explains his position on KRG contracts as follows: “I am one of the defenders of Kurds’ rights. If I have criticised some aspects it was in favour of the Kurds. All I asked for is to let the oil deals be transparent and clear for people to have the oil majors compete for and we thus get the best offers. I always pursued this system and this is why we were able to ink one of the best deals. I prefer to have service contracts rather than having companies become partners in the oil which belongs to people. The service fee which we pay to the oil majors is the minimum amount we pay in the world and it is an accomplishment for Iraq and this perspective has nothing to do with Kurds.”

HK: How can Kurds in South Kurdistan and around the world do more to assist their oppressed brothers and sisters in Syria, Iran and Turkey?

KM: I answered this question in an appeal in June 1984, sent to all Kurdish leaders then, to found a pan-Kurdish Kurdistan People’s Congress as an international Europe-based umbrella organisation to bring together the representatives of all Kurdistan regions and parties and to engage diplomatically with the world to promote Kurdish interests. The idea was that Kurdish intellectuals in Europe would organise and manage such an organisation to prevent party conflicts. In that appeal, which was a complete project and programme for such a body, I appealed to them to think of the life and destiny “of our sons and daughters in the 21^st century” to save them from oppression, genocide and ongoing tragedies. Our problem is lack of intellectual and responsible leaders and the prevalence of backward parochial non-democratic mountain-minded primitive parties lacking political philosophy, national vision, operational strategy and democratic structures and accountabilities. Perhaps, you have not been in south Kurdistan for some time. The experience of Kurdish rule by these parties has killed any sense of nationalism and belonging. If the Kurdish leaders behave in a manner much worse and destructive to body and soul than the Baathists, then how can you expect the present generation of Kurdish people to have any serious motivation to engage in pan-Kurdish projects? Our problem is really not external enemies but internal ones. My father Fani, who was a great nationalist poet, wrote in the 1950s:

Am shkayetname basi dujmni hawxaneye

Gurgi mali xweni rshtin, bo xetay beganeye

Ger bnalenm le jewri ejnabi shetaneye

Mlk u millet kushteyi em jore mikrobaneye

Sheri brsim sheri brsim nan u zaninm dewe

Em du hezaney idarey a’lami jinm dewe

This complaint concerns the enemy who shares our house

Domestic wolves have shed our blood, why blame foreigners?

If I groan from the tyranny of foreigners, it is crazy

Land and people are victims of these [internal] viruses

I am a hungry lion: I demand bread and knowledge

I demand these two forces which manage the world of life

The tragedy of Kurdistan is that we do not have leading intellectuals – intellectuals who by definition can think freely and independently and see the interests of their nation above the party interests and allegiances and think critically with their minds rather than emotionally with their hearts. If there are such intellectuals, they can still come together to create a non-partisan pressure and coordinating group that responds to the current and emerging needs in all parts of Kurdistan and especially to establish an independent critical TV channel and free quality media, and work urgently to save our historical gain and opportunity in the south and extend effective support to our brothers and sisters in Syria, Turkey and Iran.

HK: Thank you for these fascinating insights.