By Kawa Hassan:
How to make sense of the popular protests in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), started on December 17, 2010 in Tunisia?
To begin with, these protests are not a Spring as they are portrayed by most commentators. The Spring is superficial, a passive phenomenon, referring to a brief or limited transitional moment that soon gives way to the next season of summer and therefore it is misleading. It doesn’t reflect the real essence of democratic struggle by empowered citizens and groups that confront and bring down entrenched authoritarian regimes, against all odds. So, if it is not a Spring, what is it? In other words, which R of the three Rs – i.e. revolution, revolt or refo-lution – reflects its reality? And is this simply a semantic issue?
Revolution refers to pre-planned protests that lead to fundamental and institutional changes in power relations; revolt – or uprising – is a refusal to obey or disorder; while ‘refo-lution’ represents the paradoxical combination of revolution and reform in a process that aims at structural changes but through the overhaul of existing structures, in short revolution through reform.
These protests are revolutions, but not in the traditional sense of the word. The structural, socio-economic and political developments over the past five decades paved the path for an invisible, triple revolution that consists of educational, gender and political revolutions.
In their attempts to modernize societies, authoritarian (secular) autocrats like Bourguiba invested in higher education and improvements of women rights. Higher education led to an increase in political awareness, high expectations and demands of the youth for job opportunities and political freedom. But the post-colonial state failed to meet these demands. As a result, the region reached a political and social deadlock for decades wherein feelings of incapacity, helplessness and incapacitation proliferated. Yet, against this background, it was the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi in Tunisia that triggered mass protests and transformed the region. By his self-immolation Bouazizi captured and symbolised the deep sense of dispossession of the peoples of the region. That is why the word ‘dignity’ has become the meta-narrative of these revolutions – one that is shared, produced and propagated by all political and social groups, secular and Islamist alike. Indeed, the sense of collective dispossession and the joint embracement of dignified citizenship allowed these revolutions to be largely leaderless.
It is therefore high time to rethink the concept of revolution as we know it. Indeed it is high time for a paradigm shift since the French, Russian and Chinese revolutions – among others – are apparently still our key reference points. Particularly this applies to Western orientalists who argued for decades that MENA societies were incapable of revolting against oppressive regimes because of their ‘undemocratic culture’ and Islam. But it also applies to Talabani -and his comrades-in-arms like Maliki, Assad and Hassan Nasrallah of Hezbollah, to name a few – who argue that this is not a revolution since it is leaderless. Such a paradigm shift would reflect the diversity of revolution models by realizing and recognizing that a revolution does not always need to be pre-planned, with the involvement of a distinct and identified leadership, but rather it may be the cumulative result of the gradual emergence of loose, leaderless networks.
In addition, the dignity revolutions lay to rest two paradigms that have shaped the thinking about MENA – both in the region and beyond – namely the ‘passive Arab subject’ and ‘Arab Exceptionalism’. These have to be replaced by the new paradigm of ‘Tahrir Square Republic’ that symbolises Arab citizens’ determination to bring down dictators, unity between Muslims and Christians and womens’ empowerment and participation – secular and Islamist alike – in square politics and deep democracy alongside and with men.
References:
Hassan, Kawa, Regional Perspectives on the ‘Diginity Revolutions’: How Middle Eastren Activists Perceive Popular Protest, Policy Paper 3, Knowledge Programme Civil Society in West Asia , November 2011.
Khouri, Rami, ‘Arab Spring or Revolutions’, www.theglobeandmail.com/news/opinions/opinion/arab-spring-or-revolution/article2132994/ accessed, 1 May 2012.
Copyright © 2012 Kurdistantribune.com
Libya, Egypt, Syria… ? Are they “democratic revolutions” or are they just more “political coups” in favour of the old-new power elite and an old-new tyranny?
The “Russian October Revolution”, Comandante Che, the Arab revolutions – they have all been surrounded by a golden aura of epic heroism and people’s hopes; however an outdated governance paradigm dooms true freedom fighters to failure before they even start, and yet again everything turns full circle. But why?
A democratic revolution should be seen as a new stage of humanity’s development, primarily a new way of thinking and innovation in a system of social relations and governance. If it fails to do that then it is merely yet another ‘palace coup’ bringing grist to someone else’s mill. In the absence of the revolutionary idea arab democratic revolutions (“Arab spring”) were doomed to failure even before they started. Replacing leaders doesn’t alters the system allowing arbitrariness. And the political systems based on the principle of “the one is the winner, the rest are the losers” are unjust from the start and will never be able to bring freedom, peace and stable equilibrium to a society. Therefore protests and coups are repeated now and again …
A new, MULTIPOLAR political system as a real Democratic Revolution.
http://www.modelgovernment.org/
A working multi-party system within the government guarantees multiculturalism, tolerance and social stability within community.