Peace process in the Philippines – lessons for the Turkish government

By Dr. Aland Mizell:

Introduction

The conflict in Mindanao between the Government of the Republic of the Philippines and Bangsamoro rebel groups has been going on more than three decades. The conflict has killed more than a hundred thousand people, displaced millions of natives, and prevented the development of the resource-rich southeastern part of the Mindanao region. The main problems of land ownership, poverty, neglect, underdevelopment, illiteracy, corruption, and questions about historical roots are a major cause of other inequities resulting in social and economical problems (Professor Lingga). For decades, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), with its more than 11 thousand guerilla fighters, has been fighting the Philippine Army to establish a self-ruled Muslim sub-state in the southeastern Philippines, a predominantly Catholic-Christian area. Recently Philippine President Benigno Aquino met with the leader of the MILF in Japan. It is the first time in several decades that a Philippine president has met face to face with a leader of the rebel group. President Aquino, who has been in office for a year, has placed a high priority on solving the country’s long running Muslim and Communist insurgency problems. The Philippine government has been proposing an enhanced autonomy to address the conflict in southern Philippines. The MILF, on the other hand, is asking for a sub-state where Bangsamoro people will run their own government but still be under the Philippine government.

Like the MILF, the Kurds have a minority status. Since the 1970s, Turkey has been struggling against the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (the PKK) that has a desire to live free and to enjoy self-rule internally. Humility is not cowardice nor is meekness weakness. Humility and meekness are indeed powerful. The question is will Turkey’s Prime Minister Erdogan learn any lesson from the Philippine President Aquino to show humility and to meet face to face with the PKK leader to end this bloodshed?  History shows true advocates of peace will exhaust all alternatives. The time is fast approaching that Mr. Erdogan should act in a humble manner and not provoke the Kurds but respect the rights, freedoms, and status of the Kurdish citizens. I believe the first test of a truly great man is in his humility. Changes happen by listening to the oppressed, not by provoking them, for example, the Kurdish people. Then by starting a dialogue with the people who are committing acts that do not seem right, a leader may correct them.

Interview

Dr Mizell interviewed  Ms Miriam Coronel Ferrer,  Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines (see her biography below).

Dr. Mizell: What is the “Moro Problem or Question”?  How would you define it?

Ms. Ferrer : The Bangsamoro Muslims’ problem has been largely defined as one of cultural and socio-economic backwardness that can be addressed through development, education, and neutralization of arms in the region. The core issue of the problem from the point of view of the Bangsamoro is one of land, mass poverty, and social and economical inequity, as well as corruption. That’s why they got the immediate attention of President Aquino’s government to solve this problem. Muslims are claiming that they are the native inhabitants of the islands of Mindanao, so they have a right to rule themselves. However, the MILF is not negotiating for total independence nor is total independence a part of the current peace process between the MILF and the GPH.

Dr. Mizell: What is the place and importance of the Moro Question in regional and international policy?

Ms. Ferrer: Yes, the regional and international multi-donor agencies play a positive role to create an environment for continued trust in the negotiations to provide support for the peace process. For example, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), Libya, Japan, Malaysia, and some other countries such as Indonesia were helpful in the past, and while the peace process is in place and both parties’ peace panels are negotiating to achieve peace, it is essential that ceasefire is held and is sustained to provide space to build confidence among the conflicting parties. Thus, the role of regional and international donor agencies is to help keep the negotiations going; for example, the role of the International Monitor Team (IMT) also has played a positive role in the past. Mostly people were hesitant for third party intervention in this kind of conflict because it was perceived as a domestic issue, but it is good to have a third party involved; however, they should not bring their own agenda to the negotiations or actually establish the framework of the peace process.

Dr. Mizell: What is the place and importance of the Moro Question in foreign policy of the Muslim nations? Do the Muslim nations and European countries have any policy or strategy toward the Moros as a nation?

Ms. Ferrer: As I said, since the peace process is still going on between the Philippine government and the MILF, it is hard for me to comment on specific policies, but Muslim nations such as Malaysia, Indonesia, Libya, and the OIC, and even non-Muslim countries such as Japan, and some other countries, help to bring both parties to the negotiating table. For example, in the past the Philippine government sought assistance from the Malaysia and Indonesian presidents to convince the MILF to go back to the negotiating table. But we don’t know what role Libya will play since Kaddafi is no longer in power. The United States has shown interest in helping resolve the conflict via The United States Institute of Peace (USIP).

Dr. Mizell: What is the uniqueness of the current peace process?

Ms. Ferrer: The uniqueness of this current peace process is that the Government is sincere and both parties are trying to come up with some kind of agreement. Since they are being sincere and also since the majority of Filipinos have trust and confidence in the President’s decision, it is a kind of plus for this peace negotiation. The Government does recognize the Bangsamoro Muslim nation but not as a separate country, and the MILF is not negotiating for absolute independence or to have a separate country. They are talking about some kind of sub-state or autonomous area because the Muslims want to have the majority control over the land they live in. They want the governance but do not want to include foreign affairs or currency and coinage. In other words, the Philippine government and the MILF can come to some kind of third way; that’s why it is still early to determine what that third way is since negotiations are still ongoing.

Dr. Mizell: What are the main differences between the MILF and the GPH political settlement? And what is the common ground for the MILF and GPH?

Ms. Ferrer: The Philippine government proposed a “3 for 1” solution in the form of massive economic development, a peace accord, and cultural and historical acknowledgement. First of all, the GPH proposed acknowledging a distinct identity and history of the Moros as part of the Philippine Mosaic; it recognizes their legitimate grievances and provides, where possible, a form of reconciliation and restorative justice. For example, some of the acknowledgement comes through reviewing history books for misrepresentation of the Moros, and is indeed to build mutual respect for religious and cultural differences. Mutual acceptance and recognition are essential for living together in peace and sharing one country and one citizenship. The Philippine government does not just offer a solution or a choice between economic and political solutions. It sees the illiteracy rate, the lack of a proper education, corruption, neglect without any self-governance the region will not prosper. Therefore, the President committed to a peace process, supported massive development projects, and offered a joint coordination committee on development that will identify and implement the socio-economic projects for development in the region. The projects should be under the supervision of the Moros and the Government. As a political solution, the MILF has said it is no longer asking for independence and neither will they settle for the status quo form of the Muslim Autonomous Region (ARMM). It is somehow between independence and autonomy on a spectrum of possibilities of self-governance, such as federalism in which coequal states are created to form a federal republic pulled together by the federal government. The MILF proposed a “sub-state,” which accorded semi-federal status to one unit. The core issues up for discussions are the power of the government, natural resources, and ancestral domains, and geographic culture of autonomy. Regarding the governance, the MILF and the Philippine government are of one mind that powers relating to foreign affairs, national defense, postal service, coinage and monetary policies, citizenship and naturalization, global trade and national taxation shall remain with the national government. What remains and needs to be negotiated are: administration of justice, quarantine, customs and tariffs, general auditing, national elections, maritime authority, land and air transportation and communication, and patents and copyrights.  Regarding the ancestral domain issue, the Government and the MILF are more or less in agreement that vested property rights shall be protected even if agrarian and ancestral domains are duly recognized. The Government proposal is open to co- management and wealth sharing. The annexed lists of municipalities and barangays for possible inclusion in the Moros domain caused much of the opposition to the 2008 Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain.

Dr. Mizell: What will the GPH do if the MILF peace panel still fails to give its counter-proposal agreement in the forthcoming talks?

Ms. Ferrer: This is a great opportunity for both parties to come up with some kind of agreement while the President and his administration are willing to solve this problem. This does not mean there are no disagreements, because it is a political negotiation which has dynamics, so the two parties understand the intentions and the good will.We hope the peace process will continue. The current government is not interested in having a success story on the conflict between the MILF and the Government but rather is interested in addressing the fundamental issues of the problem and is willing to find the third way to end the conflict.

Dr. Mizell: How does the MILF maintain its strength? What is the role of the OIC?

Ms. Ferrer : They get help from the Muslim countries, and they continue to organize, but also they have some internal problems that the Muslims should solve, such as tribal issues.

Dr. Mizell: Is independence for the Moros on the negotiation table? What does autonomy imply and what does sub-state mean?

Ms. Ferrer: The MILF is not negotiating total independence nor is total independence part of the current peace process between the MILF and the GPH.  As a political solution, the MILF has said it is no longer asking for independence or for autonomy but will settle for the status quo form of the Muslim Autonomous Region. (ARMM). It is somehow between independence and autonomy on a spectrum of possible forms of self-governance, such as federalism where coequal states are created to form a federal republic pulled together by the federal government. The MILF proposed a “sub-state,” which accords semi-federal status to one unit. The three core issues up for discussions are power of government, natural resources, ancestral domain, and the geographic culture of the autonomy. On the governance, the MILF and Philippine government are of one mind that powers relating to foreign affairs, national defense, postal service, coinage and monetary policies, citizenship and naturalization, global trade, and national taxation shall remain with the national government. What remains and needs to be negotiated are: administration of justice, quarantine, customs and tariffs, general auditing, national elections, maritime authority, land and air transportation and communication, and patents and copyrights.  Regarding ancestral domain issues, the Government and the MILF are more or less in agreement that vested property rights shall be protected even if agrarian and ancestral domain duly recognized. The Government proposal is open to co- management and wealth sharing. The annexed lists of municipalities and barangays for possible inclusion in the Moros domain caused much of the opposition to the 2008 Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain.

Dr. Mizell: How has the Government encouraged NGO’s, private and volunteer organizations, community-based organizations, and the universities to assist minorities?

Ms. Ferrer: The Government continues to urge civil society groups and NGOs to be involved in the peace negotiations because we believe civil society groups and NGOs have the potential to make significant contributions to the management of conflict in Mindanao. However, due to the lack of law and order, the impact of society groups and NGOs has been limited to a political process. Nevertheless, the current role of civil society in peace building has made progressed; for example, the Second Solidarity Conference on Mindanao, representing religious groups, businesses, civil societies, and national NGOS, as well as international NGOs, gathered in Davao City in September to tackle the current Philippine government and MILF peace talks. These relationships should be developed, because civil society and NGOs deepen both actors’ interactions with the public at large, and civil society can play a role in bringing about lasting peace in Mindanao

Dr. Mizell: What is the role of civil society? Of NGOs? Have programs been implemented to increase civic participation? Do you think that the government needs to engage more actively with civic society in fighting corruption?

Ms. Ferrer: Actually there is an active peace movement in Mindanao that strengthens civil society in the Philippines as a whole from both parties. Muslims and Christian groups have tried to build the avenues to manage the hostilities–from NGOs, churches, and business communities, etc.–these types of organizations and civil societies have been involved and tried to manage the conflict in Mindanao. But I do agree that the Government should support and encourage civil society to be involved because civil society can air discussions about the root cause of the corruption, and it can argue in the media in favor of developmental changes and also can provide political space for government officials to correct their behave and to be more transparent. If NGOs and civil society have some limitations, these limitations can only be overcome by the state action. So it is important that civil society works with policy elites to reach the public at large to expose people to issues involved in the peace talks, such as corruption, and to win the hearts and minds of both sides.

Dr. Mizell: What measures has the government put in place to ensure accountability and transparency for the national, regional, and local leaders?

Ms. Ferrer: The President has pledged support to a roster of development programs that will employ multiple delivery systems, National Coordinating committee on development including appointments in the Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao government, local government units and the national line agencies. Furthermore, the Government offers the partnership in the form of a proposed joint or National coordinating committee on development that should be managed by the national government and Moro agencies to ensure accountability and transparency.

Dr. Mizell: What measures has the Government adopted to improve confidence and trust among the minorities for the national government? The regional government? The local government?

Ms. Ferrer: Since President Benigno Simeon Aquino III has strong public support and confidence; it will help to improve the confidence of the people in government.

Dr. Mizell: What policies would decrease violence in the south?

Ms. Ferrer: Most of the demands of the MILF for self-governance can be accommodated within the present Constitution by passing a new organic act with more functional, more representative, and more participatory governance institutions, and many of the features envisioned by the MILF could be incorporated, including a socio-economic component. That means their autonomous position is enhanced. The Government position is more pragmatic and transformative rather than surgical. At the same time the Government understands that the MILF is asking for a constitutional amendment that will allow the creation of a Moro sub-state whereby they can craft Moro’s basic law. The Philippine government is saying that this is not viable at this time.

Dr. Mizell: What initiatives have been introduced to ensure that the military protects Constitutional laws and human rights?

Ms. Ferrer: The Constitution prohibits torture, and it’s true that there are cases in which members of the security forces and police routinely abuse and sometimes torture suspects and detainees. I am sure that there are some institutions that provide the police with mandatory human rights training including primers on the rights of suspects.  This administration is committed to do something about corruption whether in the military or whether in non-military agencies. The Government is launching an anti corruption campaign to make sure every institution obeys the laws and does not abuse the law or power given to them; the military is not an exception.

Dr. Mizell: What do you think would be the most effective initiative to reduce the economic and social disparity between the majority and the minorities in the Philippines?

Ms. Ferrer: Peace and order must be maintained, and then economic and human development can take place, but without peace and order, we cannot expect economic development, educational development, or the reduction of issues of poverty and unemployment. That’s why we need to focus on building a bridge between the Government and the MILF. That is a good way to start, and then, of course, to end corruption and to find ways to ensure inclusion of all the society. Not just those who are in power, but everybody should get benefits from current government projects.

Dr. Mizell: What initiatives have been implemented to improve education for the minorities? Is universal tax-funded education a possibility in the near future?

Ms. Ferrer: The Philippine government has implemented several initiatives in terms of improving education for minorities. For example, regarding the standard curriculum for madrassa education in elementary public schools and in private madrassas, the goal is trying to have  a smooth transfer of students from a madrassa to public schools or vice versa. According to the Department of Education Order 51, 2004, all public schools and private madrassas in Muslim communities are beginning to implement the standard curriculum. The main objective is to develop and institutionalize madrassas’ education and upgrade the quality of a basic education to the level of the national performance. In addition to that, the Government assists madrassas through the creation of special funds for assistance for Muslim education, expanding the coverage of Muslims. The professionalization of teachers in madrassas occurs through capacity-building, license exams, certification of competencies for teaching Islamic values and Islamic studies, and accelerated teacher training courses. The other example is that the Government has created a National Commission on Indigenous Peoples. The NCIP is an agency of the Philippine government with frontline services for the indigenous people, attached to the Office of the President.  NCIP makes sure that basic services, including education, are effectively delivered to them. Also, neighboring countries, such as Australia, are involved in improving minorities’ education; they have helped address particular needs for the indigenous people and Muslim learners many of whom are among the most disadvantaged part of the community in terms of their access to a good quality basic education.

Dr. Mizell: How do you see the situation of the Kurdish minority in Turkey? What is your advice for Kurdish parties in Turkey and the Turkish government to solve the Kurdish problem?

Ms. Ferrer : Minorities in the Philippines get better treatment than what Kurds get in Turkey. Philippines protect the rights of indigenous, linguistic, ethnic, and religious minorities in all possible ways. It is true that the Government has a bad history of minority rights and that led to unequal economic status and conflict, poverty, illiteracy, etc.; however, the Philippine government has made a genuine effort to put behind that discrimination and to move forward. The Muslim minorities in the Philippines have their own Autonomous region; minorities in the Philippines have freedom of religion, speech, press, and assembly, as well as the right to petition the Government. Education is in their own language, culture, and religion; there is no loss of life, liberty, or property without due process. None of the Muslim minorities in the Philippines are in prison because of the way they worship or pray, because they speak their language, or because they give a different name to their child. If they go to prison, it is because they commit some unlawful act. However, in the case of Turkey, it’s all a mater of denial. Slowly Turkey is recognizing some of the rights of the Kurds. It is true that each country says minorities are treated in the best possible way they should be. However, in reality all these countries have a low rank in human development and a high rank in discrimination against minorities. Turkey is not an exception as well. I think, the Turkish government can learn from some of our experiences dealing with our minorities. Turkey is also a member of international contact groups, a grouping of nations that is attempting to promote trust between the two sides. The other members are Saudi Arabia, Britain, and Japan.  As far as my suggestion, I would say this kind of issue can’t be solved militarily. Violence must end. The Kurdish and Turkish government should sit at a peace table to come up with a third way. Turkey should sit-down and negotiation with the PKK. It can ask help from a third party to assist them in finding common ground. Peace is in the interest of both parties.

Recommendations:

1.     They must stop the violence.

2.     Turkey must stop putting Kurdish political leaders in prison.

3.     The Prime Minster should meet with the PKK face to face.

4.     Turkey should have The Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP).

5.     Turkey should set up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission tasked with discovering and revealing past wrongdoing by the Government (or, depending on the circumstances, non-state actors also), in the hope of resolving conflict left over from the past.

6.     The Turkish Government should have a Peace Commission that consist s of both sides, the Kurds and as well the Turkish government.

7.     Turkey should have an International Monitoring Team. The international team should include Kurds from Iraqi Kurdistan as well as the Kurdish leaders from Iraq, Syria and Iran.

8.     Turkey and the PKK should have a peace panel that meets.

9.     They should allow civil society to participate in the peace process that is open to the public and not closed behind doors.

 Biographical information

Miriam Coronel Ferrer:

Associate Professor of Political Science at the University of the Philippines, Quezon City, Philippines, Miriam Coronel Ferrer is a leading convener of the citizens’ network called Sulong CARHRIHL, which promotes observance of the Comprehensive Agreement on Respect for Human Rights and International Humanitarian Law forged between the Philippine Government and the National Democratic Front. Ms. Ferrer is professor of Political Science at the University of the Philippines (UP), where she also convened the Program on Peace, Democratization, and Human Rights.

Beginning in July 2010, she joined the Government Negotiating Panel for Talks with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front.

She was director of the UP Third World Studies Center from 2000 to 2003 and deputy director from 1995 to 1998. Ms. Ferrer co-chaired the Non-State Actors Working Group of the International Campaign to Ban Landmines from 1999-2004. She joined fact-finding missions organized by international NGOs investigating violence in Cambodia (1993, 1997), East Timor (1999, 2000), and Nepal (2003). Ms. Ferrer was one of 27 Filipinas who are part of the “1000 Women for the Nobel,” nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2005.

Dr. Aland Mizell:

Dr. Aland Mizell is with the University of Mindanao School of Social Science, President of the MCI and a regular contributor to the Kurdishaspect.com and Kurdish Media .You may reach the author via email at: aland_mizell2@hotmail.com 

 

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One Response to Peace process in the Philippines – lessons for the Turkish government
  1. Haval
    October 1, 2011 | 09:18

    Detailed and constuctive article with root of history ,economy and plitics.

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